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Major Organized Crime Bust Explodes No-Mob-In-Rome Myth

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By Cecilia Ferrara

Investigative Reporting Project Italy

Early in the morning of Dec. 2, the Carabinieri (Italian national military police) arrested 37 people and launched investigations against 100 others, a number that is expected to grow. The group includes members of a well-known criminal group along with politicians from the two main parties.
Among those arrested are the head of the National Civil Protection Department and a local police chief; the president of the anti-corruption council; the former mayor of Rome Gianni Alemanno; the former president of a major real estate development company, Eur SPA; and the former CEO of the Azienda Municipale Ambiente (AMA), the waste management company of the Municipality of Rome.
Also arrested was Massimo Carminati, known as “er Cecato” (the one-eyed), whose character was memorably depicted in Michele Placido’s 2005 movie “Romanzo Criminale” (Criminal Novel) as Il Nero, “The Black”.
The film tells the story of the Banda della Magliana, Rome’s most powerful criminal group in the 1970s and 1980s with strong connections to the Sicilian Mafia, and its links to the Italian secret services who used the mobsters for dirty jobs. Carminati was the group’s liaison to the right-wing extremist terror group Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari (NAR).
Carminati: the Boss of the Middle World
Police say Carminati was involved in political assassinations, massacres and homicides, yet escaped prosecution on the most serious charges due to lack of evidence. After serving a prison term on lesser charges, he returned to work in the ‘Mondo di Mezzo’ or Middle World, a term he used in a wiretapped conversation that became the name of the current police operation.
“It’s the theory of the Middle World,” he told Riccardo Burgia, his comrade from NAR, a former bank robber and now a militant who was also arrested Dec. 2. “There are those of the Upper World, ‘the living,’ and those of the Underworld, ‘the deads’. We are in the Middle World where anything can happen, anyone can meet anybody. I could be having dinner, for example, with (former Italian prime minister and media tycoon Silvio) Berlusconi tomorrow… understand? Which on paper is impossible, but in the Middle World could happen.”
The arrests on Dec. 2 are the results of  a four-year investigation by Prosecutor Giuseppe Pignatone and the Special Unit of Carabinieri that traced the organization and structure of what they are calling the Mafia Capitale.
The Guardia di Finanza (financial police) seized goods worth an estimated € 204 million (US$ 250 million) and hundred thousands of Euros in cash. Two days after the first round of arrests, the Carabinieri arrested Giovanni de Carlo, the “boss of bosses”, at Rome’s airport.
Is there Mafia in Rome or not?
Most of those arrested are being charged under Article 416bis of the Italian Penal Code, which deals with organized crime or Mafia.
This is significant because in Italy the common belief is that the Mafia, ’Ndrangheta and Camorra operate only in the south of the peninsula and not in Rome or Milan, where the authorities tend to deny that there is organized crime.
In Rome and Milan, they refer instead to ‘la Mala,’ local criminals that work alone or in occasional groups to commit minor crimes. As recently as  two years ago, the Prefetto of Rome (the local representative of the Ministry of Home Affair
Former Rome mayor Alemanno, who was among those arrested on Dec. 2, told the Sunday Times in 2012 that “in the south of Italy, the Mafia is the problem, in Rome it is immigration.”
“Through this police operation we tried to answer, again, the question: is there Mafia in Rome?” Pignatone said at a press conference. “In Rome there isn’t only one Mafia; the group linked to Carminati … is independent from the organizations in south Italy (Cosa Nostra, Camorra, (and) ’Ndrangheta),” although they often work together.”
According to Pignatone, Carminati’s organization succeeds in intimidating its targets due to the criminal prestige he earned in the past from his involvement with the Banda della Magliana and right-wing extremists. “Everybody knows that even now in 2014, he would be able to use violence to create subjugation, intimidation, and (enforce silence) omertà. In one word, the group behaves like Mafia, therefore it’s Mafia”.
Group Dynamics
How did the Mafia Capitale work?
“Carminati was the head; he's the one who knows all the businesses, all the people involved in every sector,” explains assistant prosecutor Michele Pristipino. “There were three levels: the underworld criminal sector, the entrepreneurial economic sector, (and) the public administration sector.”
As an example of how the group used criminal and military power to intimidate, the prosecutor cited the story of an entrepreneur from Rome, who had been approached by Carminati's group seeking to buy a plot of land from him.
When the victim refused, they started in with threats:. “If you don't sell to us, you will never do anything with that land!” The businessman confessed to a friend, “I'm done, finished. When they come after me I feel sick, I feel like I am suffocating.”
Others knew about Carminati's group and would ask him directly for ”protection” from minor criminals as well as help with the public administration. But prosecutors said Carminati did not ask for money in exchange for protection, but instead to become a hidden partner of the company.
“I wouldn't accept not even a million Euros from you,” he says in a wiretapped conversation. “I don't care about money! I want to do business together.”
Carminati, in fact, needed the companies in order to achieve his real objective: access to public tenders.
s) said that  “there is no Mafia in Rome,  only war among gangs over the drug market“.
Organized Crime in the Heart of Rome
“Carminati's group (eventually obtained) the power to select key managers in public administration,” explains prosecutor Pristipino.  “They managed to place a lawyer on the Board of Governors of the main public company of Rome,” the waste management company AMA Ltd. with a turnover of € 850 million or US$ 1 billion).
“The group chose the General Director of a company controlled by AMA Ltd. They even chose who would be the head of the Municipal Commission for Transparency, and they ran the campaign for the mayor of a small town close to Rome where Carminati had his villa, Sacrofano. And of course their candidate won.”
The Mafia Capitale won at least three extremely profitable tenders: one in the waste recycling management of Rome, one in the cleaning of public streets and another (type unknown) which is still being investigated.
Buzzi and ‘The Cooperative’
The other main actor in the Mafia Capitale is Carminati’s alter ego, Salvatore Buzzi, who was also arrested in the sweep on organized crime and corruption charges.




Joseph Competiello, ex-Colombo hitman, gets 12 years for murder of NYPD cop Ralph Dols, four other killings

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Ex-Colombo soldier Joseph Competiello, who helped authorities crack the long-unsolved murder case of the New York police officer, said at his sentencing Tuesday, ‘I feel like a horrible, heartless person up here admitting to all these crimes I committed, but I’m not that person anymore.’

BY JOHN MARZULLI
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

The family of slain NYPD cop Ralph Dols was a no-show Tuesday at the sentencing of a mob rat who received 12 years in prison for five gangland murders, including the rubout of the off-duty police officer.
Ex-Colombo soldier Joseph Competiello, who helped authorities crack the long-unsolved murder case, has maintained that he did not know Dols was a cop when he was given the contract by mob superiors in 1997.
No one from Dols’ family wrote the judge expressing a view on sentencing.
Dols was allegedly marked for death by then-acting Colombo boss Joel Cacace because Cacace’s ex-wife had married the policeman. Cacace and two other alleged participants in the plot, Thomas Gioeli and Dino Saracino, were acquitted by federal juries of Dols’ murder.
Brooklyn Federal Judge Brian Cogan said he believed Competiello testified truthfully, but added: “I don’t think he played well to either jury.”
Competiello, 43, has served more than six years in prison since he was arrested.
“I feel like a horrible, heartless person up here admitting to all these crimes I committed, but I’m not that person anymore,” he told the judge.
Rosa Gargano, the mother of victim Carmine Gargano, urged the judge to show no mercy to the “bloodthirsty” hit man.
“I still do not have my son’s body — and he wants to go home to his wife and family,” Gargano cried, holding a framed photo of her son who was fatally shot by Competiello and finished off with a sledgehammer.




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On Planned Mob Films, Multimillion-Dollar Fraud Is Alleged Before Cameras Ever Roll

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By BENJAMIN WEISERDEC. 12, 2014

 
If Hollywood likes a good cautionary tale about the dangers of seeking movie financing, the experiences of Fay Devlin would seem to be fodder for a surefire hit.

Mr. Devlin is a construction executive in New York who decided to enter the movie business. A $50,000 investment went to a new film company; an additional $250,000 followed, and things soon began to fall into place.

Chazz Palminteri signed on as the screenwriter for one project; John Travolta was to star in another, based on the life of John J. Gotti.

And then the plot thickened. A man who the authorities now say was a con artist appeared, leading Mr. Devlin and the film company, Fiore Films, halfway around the world in search of $200 million in financing that was never delivered.

The authorities say Mr. Devlin was defrauded of more than $1.8 million that he had wired into accounts controlled by a man named Salvatore Carpanzano. But as described in a federal criminal complaint, this was no run-of-the-mill fraud; this was something worthy of an Elmore Leonard novel.

The general counsel for Fiore Films, his suspicions apparently growing, flew to Istanbul, where he met with Mr. Carpanzano and another man. The meeting would end not long after a rather pointed threat from the man, described as a co-conspirator, a criminal complaint says.

The general counsel, the man warned, “would not get out of Turkey alive.”

Mr. Carpanzano, of Scarsdale, N.Y., was arrested late last month, and in federal court in White Plains he was ordered detained on fraud charges. He was accused of three separate frauds, although the movie investment scheme, as the government describes it, appears to have been the most audacious. Mr. Carpanzano did not enter a plea, and his lawyer did not return messages seeking comment.

Movie financing, despite its risks for outside investors, usually does not lack for candidates; Hollywood film credits are rife with investors given the honorary title “associate producer.”

“It tends to be a glamour business,” said S. Abraham Ravid, a Yeshiva University professor who has studied movie financing and cites such “intangible” attractions for investors as being invited to movie openings and meeting movie stars.


“It’s easier to raise funds sometimes for a risky movie than it would be for a risky real estate venture,” Professor Ravid said.

For people like Mr. Devlin, who lack movie industry experience, the risks can be higher.

“It wasn’t a good investment, obviously,” said Gerard L. Keogh, Mr. Devlin’s lawyer. “We came from real estate and construction, where it’s a little easier to project risk.”

Mr. Devlin first became involved in the film projects in 2009, nearly two years before Mr. Carpanzano surfaced, the complaint says. (The document, signed by an F.B.I. agent, Maryann W. Goldman, and a prosecutor, Michael D. Maimin, does not name the victims, but their identities were determined through interviews and news reports about the film company’s projects.)

Mr. Devlin met Marc Fiore, who said he was trying to produce a movie called “Mob Street.” According to the complaint, Mr. Devlin invested $50,000 in the production through Fiore Films.

Continue reading the main story

Mr. Palminteri eventually wrote the screenplay, described on Fiore Films’ website as based on a true story of the mid-1990s, when “unbeknownst to the F.B.I., the Italian Mafia was running Wall Street,” and former hit men were living like movie stars in magnificent mansions “until everything came crashing down.”

Mr. Devlin’s second investment, of $250,000, was made in order for Fiore Films to buy the rights to “the story of a well-known criminal,” the complaint says.

In September 2010, Fiore Films announced it had acquired the rights to the story of John A. Gotti and his relationship with his father, who died in prison in 2002.

The company website says the story “reveals the relationship of a father who lived and died by the mob code and a son who chose to leave that world behind and redeem himself.”

Later, Fiore Films announced that Mr. Travolta would star as the elder Mr. Gotti, news releases show, with production to begin in fall 2011 and a theatrical release scheduled for late 2012.

The problems started in 2011, before production was to have begun on the Gotti film. An associate with Greenberg Traurig, a law firm representing Fiore Films, told Mr. Devlin that another one of the firm’s clients could be tapped for even more financing.

Mr. Keogh said that Mr. Devlin, “recognizing that he needed expert advice because he was a neophyte investor,” had Fiore Films retain Greenberg Traurig throughout the discussions.

Through the associate, a meeting was set up with the client, a company called Treasures FZE.

Mr. Devlin and Fiore Films’ general counsel traveled to New Jersey to meet with Mr. Carpanzano, who claimed to represent Treasures FZE. The complaint says that during the meeting, Mr. Carpanzano called the man whom prosecutors describe as his co-conspirator, apparently the head of Treasures FZE, who had access to the financing.

Mr. Carpanzano told Mr. Devlin and the general counsel that to obtain $200 million in financing, they would have to place $1.3 million in an escrow account in an investment company tied to Mr. Carpanzano, according to the government’s account.

An agreement was reached, and on July 25, 2011, Mr. Devlin wired about $1.3 million into the account. Shortly thereafter, he, Mr. Carpanzano and the Fiore Films’ general counsel, Michael Froch, boarded a plane to Zurich to close the deal, the complaint says.

While they were in flight, a banker for Mr. Devlin became aware that someone was trying to transfer the $1.3 million out of the escrow account, the government says. The banker called Mr. Keogh, who ordered the funds frozen.

When the plane landed in Switzerland, Mr. Devlin was told of the transfer attempt. He confronted Mr. Carpanzano, asking what was going on.

Mr. Carpanzano said Treasures FZE was trying to move the money “in order to provide better financing terms,” the complaint says, and he added that the overseas partner had been “insulted” by the freezing of the funds.

Mr. Carpanzano and the co-conspirator spoke with Mr. Devlin and persuaded him “to authorize the release of the funds,” the complaint says.

Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story

Continue reading the main story

In August, Mr. Carpanzano asked Mr. Devlin for $500,000 in “closing costs,” which he sent by wire, the government says.

The next month, prosecutors say, Mr. Carpanzano asked Mr. Devlin to wire another $1 million into an account controlled by Mr. Carpanzano’s wife. This time, Mr. Devlin refused.

Then things began to further unravel. Mr. Carpanzano produced a document purporting to confirm that more than 200 million euros (worth about $270 million at the time) had been delivered to Fiore Films in a deal handled through a banker at Deutsche Bank, the complaint says.

Mr. Devlin’s banker found that the person cited actually worked in Deutsche Bank’s press department, and had no role in wire transfers. Meanwhile, Mr. Froch, the Fiore Films general counsel, spoke with an investigator at the Federal Reserve Bank in New York, who said the document appeared to be fraudulent, prosecutors say.

It was in October that Mr. Froch flew to Istanbul with Mr. Carpanzano. There, the man identified by the government as a co-conspirator said Mr. Devlin’s “team was in error” and warned that Mr. Froch would not leave Turkey alive. (Mr. Froch was able to leave the country safely, the complaint notes.)

A Fiore Films spokesman said this week that the Gotti and “Mob Street” films were delayed, but that the company was actively pursuing making them.

Mr. Keogh said Mr. Devlin was not particularly a movie buff or someone interested in meeting stars and would never have dealt with Mr. Carpanzano had it not been for Greenberg Traurig.

“The truth is, I’m bitterly disappointed in their role in this,” Mr. Keogh said.

A Greenberg Traurig spokeswoman said the firm had no comment.

As for Mr. Devlin, will he invest in another film project?

“No,” Mr. Keogh said. “We learned our lesson.”









Oscar Goodman Opens his Briefcase

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From Spilotro to O.J., the former mayor recounts his eventful career as a defense attorney


By Jason Scavone

Before he was the Happiest Mayor on Earth, Oscar Goodman was one of the most famous criminal defense lawyers in the country, with a roster of underworld clients that ranged from Tony Spilotro to Meyer Lansky, the latter being one of the most important men in both organized crime and Las Vegas history (at the risk of sounding redundant). Not to mention, Goodman’s the attorney who scored an acquittal in the seemingly impossible Jimmy Chagra case, where the drug lord was implicated in the 1979 assassination of federal judge John Wood. We caught up with hizzoner to talk about growing up with the law, his brush with O.J. Simpson’s double-murder trial and being held in contempt of court.

Growing up as a son of a prosecutor, was there any doubt you’d go into law? 

Oh, absolutely. I was going to be a coach. I was going to be a rabbi. I was going to be a lot of things, never even thinking of being a lawyer. Then my wife said, “You’d better go to law school.” She made a very compelling argument that, when you’re a rabbi, you have 800 bosses, and I never liked a boss. As a coach, it’s so iffy that you could get a solid profession.

What was the case that led to you representing organized crime figures? 

By accident I became the country’s leading expert on wiretap cases. My wife, we would go out to dinner once a month. We went to the Hacienda. After dinner, she would take $10 and play blackjack. The dealer who dealt her the cards became very friendly with me, and he called me [to handle his] bankruptcy. A couple of weeks after that, a phone call came into the pit at the Hacienda. It was from an organized crime figure from the Northeast whose stepbrother had been arrested on the Dyer Act [a.k.a., the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act]. All they had to prove [to get a federal conviction] was a car was stolen and transported from one state to another. It was the kind of case you don’t win, but I didn’t know any better.

So the organized crime figure calls into the pit at the Hacienda. The guy who answered the phone said, “Hello, what can I do for you?” He says, “Who’s the best criminal lawyer in Las Vegas?” Nothing changes in 50 years in Las Vegas. Instead of saying, “I don’t know,” he goes like this [covers receiver, whispers], “Who’s the best criminal lawyer in Las Vegas?” And the guy who dealt my wife the cards, who I did the bankruptcy for, said, “Call Oscar.” That’s where it all started. I won the case. I could try the case 1,000 times. I would lose it 999 times, but somebody was shining on me.

The first legal wiretap took place down in Miami. They had the public phones wiretapped. A father-son team were calling all over the country for line information—placing bets and accepting bets and the like. One of the fellas providing this information was a bartender at the Golden Nugget. He got picked up on the wiretap.

They had about six, seven, eight defendants. I moved for a severance, because my client was such a small fish in a big pond. The judge would deny it. Every day for about a week and a half, I moved for the severance, because I haven’t heard my client’s name mentioned. Judge finally says, “I’m granting the severance.” [Meyer] Lansky’s lawyer was involved in the case. He says, “Why don’t you help us?” Here I was a young lawyer. It’s a great opportunity for me. Well, all [the other defendants] are found guilty. But the word gets out, this kid from Las Vegas, Goodman, he beat the case. Everybody assumed I was an expert on wiretaps, although my client was severed out. They never tried him again.

There’s the famous footage of Frank Costello storming out of the Kefauver Hearings. Did you ever have to work to keep a lid on any of your clients in court? 

A couple of them. I was involved in the [Nicky] Scarfo case back in Philly, representing Philip Leonetti. They were a pretty hotheaded group of defendants. In the Chagra case, when the principal witness testified, [Chagra] got up and called him a lying motherfucker right in front of the jury.

The most famous wasn’t a trial, but Frank Rosenthal in front of the Gaming Commission. He held a press conference out there. But a guy like Spilotro never said anything.

There’s this image a lot of people have of the tough, defiant wise guy in court, but were they ever scared to go to trial?

I have to believe. I’ve been held in contempt of court and was going to jail. Anybody who isn’t fearful of something like that, they have a screw loose. There’s nothing pleasant about it. But with the exception of maybe one or two clients, they all showed up and went to trial. They figured if they played they would pay. That’s the way it was. They were men about it, to be honest with you.

How did you find yourself in contempt of court? 

I had a client, Natale Richichi—they called him Big Chris. He was supposedly the consiglieri for [John] Gotti. The government subpoenaed me before the grand jury. They wanted to find out who paid my fee and how much it was. I told them to drop dead.

They brought me before the judge, Phil Pro. And I knew what the law was, that my fee was not a confidential communication. But I was making a new argument that it undermined my client’s confidence in me. So I told him I’m not going to do it. The judge said, “You are going to do it, or else I’m holding you in contempt.”

The judge set a date. It seemed like every member of the bar was outside the courthouse with bullhorns saying, “Judge Pro, Let the O Go!” It was pretty dramatic. I get into court and I never showed any fear, but the prosecutor gets up, right before the judge is about to incarcerate me, and says, “You know something judge, jail doesn’t scare Goodman. You’ve got to hit him in his pocketbook.” Judge says, “Well, if that’s what you want, I’m going to fine him $25,000 and $2,500 a day hereafter.” I went [to Orange County] for [another] case, and there was a group of Strike Force attorneys having a convention there. A fella I had known said, “You’re in a lot of trouble. You know, they’re going to go for criminal contempt. You’re not budging. That’s real trouble, because then you lose your ticket [law license] and you go to prison.”

I went back and to Richichi and said, “Chris, I’m going to do whatever you want me to do here, but if they indict me, I won’t be able to represent you anymore.” He told me to give them whatever they want. I turned over the receipt, and because I’m a little smarter than they are, I turned it over in open court. It had “Anonymous” and the amount, but it didn’t do [the prosecutors] any good because I had already deposited it.

When I was under this contempt I had been retained to represent a fella up in Boston. I was in my room in the hotel with my wife when I got a phone call from somebody representing themselves as O.J. [Simpson’s] agent. They wanted to send me $25,000 to retain me to represent him. We’re watching TV, and we’re seeing the white [Bronco] as the phone call was actually made. I told him, “I can’t even think of getting involved, because I’ve got a big problem. I may go to jail on contempt.” That’s when they went to Robert Shapiro.

Do you ever think about “what if”? 

It would have been a great case. My friends in Los Angeles always said there was no way Simpson could lose. When they moved it out of [Brentwood] into downtown [Los Angeles], the case was over for all intents and purposes. I have no idea, to be honest. I don’t know if I would have been smart enough to come up with “If the glove doesn’t fit, you must acquit.” It would have been a nice case, though.

What was your strategy to get a jury on your side? 

It’s like anything else. It’s why I was a halfway successful politician. I think jurors know when you’re trying to fool them. Jurors are very smart. Putting the 12 parts together and coming up with justice is a fascinating phenomenon.

I always was very honest. I rarely let my client take the witness stand. I felt I could do better in the closing argument than he could under cross-examination. Basically, I tried all my cases the same way: I put the government on trial. If [the jurors] were offended enough by the government’s misconduct, then I would win the case. If they weren’t, I would not be so successful.

What was more satisfying: getting a win in court or settling without shots fired? 

I didn’t have any settlements to speak of. A guy like Spilotro, they offered lethal injection or the electric chair. Neither of them would have been satisfactory. All my clients were like that. I was the lawyer of last resort.

What did you feel like when you walked into the courtroom? 

I felt great. A lot of lawyers always have other lawyers with them. I’d say 99 percent of my cases where I was representing a single defendant I was always by myself. In the Chagra case, it was almost David and Goliath. The courtroom was just filled with DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] agents, IRS agents, FBI agents, local cops, paralegals, lawyers. It was like 1,000 people against poor David sitting there. It’s an awesome feeling. You have a person’s life in your hands. It’s like Spilotro said: “You know, this United States v. Anthony Spilotro, that doesn’t seem fair.” I always liked to represent the underdog. It’s why I can’t win a bet.

Do you miss the law? 

I miss certain aspects, but I have a son who practices, and I have another son who’s a [justice of the peace]. Just as my father and myself would have been oil and water, even though there’s a great deal of love and affection between us, same thing.

What advice do you give to law students? 


If you don’t love going to work every single day, go do something else. It’s a great profession. It’s a profession a little bit different than any other in the sense that a doctor has a closed door and speaks a language not every layperson understands. A lawyer, at least a trial lawyer—and I wouldn’t want to be any other kind of lawyer—can’t be a phony. The jury speaks the same language that I speak, and they’d be able to see it in a New York second. You have to have a way about you. And my way was to attack the opposition.

Mobster gunned down in Montreal was part of a ‘dissident faction’ trying to overthrow Rizzuto: documents

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Adrian Humphreys |

The latest victim of Montreal’s mob violence — shot dead by masked gunmen Monday in a Rivière-des-Prairies restaurant — was recently named in court in Italy as a member of the rebellious faction of mobsters fighting to overthrow Montreal Mafia boss Vito Rizzuto.
Antonino Callocchia, usually called Tonino or Tony, was hit Monday afternoon by multiple bullets from one or more masked gunmen who then fled.
It was the second attempt on Mr. Callocchia’s life; on Feb. 1, 2013, he was seriously injured in a similar ambush in a restaurant in Laval.
Born Nov. 6, 1961, his ties to the Mafia in Montreal have been documented for decades. Part of his underworld strength came through his link by marriage to the Armeni clan of well-known mob-linked drug traffickers. One of his first arrests, according to Quebec court records, was in 1985 alongside four members of the clan, although he was acquitted.
He was also arrested in a landmark money laundering and drug trafficking case in Montreal in 1994 alongside notable mobsters and lawyers who helped invest mob money linked to Mr. Rizzuto.
Why, Pete? Why?”
Sprawled across the front seat of a rental car in a ramshackle construction yard in Sicily and bleeding from a dozen bullet wounds, Juan Ramon Fernandez did not beg for his life or cry or shout or pray. A perfect gangster knows when and how he is going to die. He spent his final breath only voicing surprise at who was standing over him.
“Why, Pete? Why?”
The retort from the gunman at the open car door, nursing an injury of his own from the frantic ambush, was to lift his pistol once more, aim at Fernandez’s head and fire a finishing round.
Fernandez did not learn the answer to his question that spring night in 2013 but a court in Palermo is now filling in the blanks.
But before his death, the enigmatic man was moving from the criminal sidelines and becoming more central to the city’s underworld.
The move brought increased scrutiny over his standing and allegiance in the Mafia war that has rocked Montreal — a sweeping power struggle between Mr. Rizzuto and rebels trying to oust him when he was imprisoned in the United States in 2006. The war went badly against the Rizzutos until the boss returned to Canada in October 2012 and fought to reclaim his position of power.
Some saw Mr. Callocchia as a Rizzuto loyalist and even a possible successor to Vito Rizzuto — who died of natural causes in December 2013. His involvement in a case of extortion against a woman with ties to Raynald Desjardins, a gangster named in Italian court as the leader of the rebellious faction, furthered that view.
Others saw his closeness to Calabrian dissidents unfriendly towards the Sicilian-born Rizzuto as well as to Joseph Di Maulo, an influential Mafia boss killed in 2012, likely for not remaining loyal to Mr. Rizzuto, as a sign he too had strayed.
Mr. Callocchia, however, was subject to a recent assessment by the anti-Mafia police in Sicily, the birthplace of the Mafia, as they investigated the murders in Palermo of two mobsters from Canada.
Police in Italy are analyzing reams of secretly recorded telephone calls made last year by a mobster from Canada who was living in Sicily. The chatty mobster, Juan Ramon Fernandez, was close to Mr. Rizzuto for decades and spoke disrespectfully of Mr. Callocchia when talking to other Rizzuto loyalists.
Mr. Fernandez called him “a f———ing idiot,” according to wiretap transcripts obtained by the National Post.
A few days after the 2013 attack on Mr. Callocchia, Mr. Fernandez phoned for an update from a friend in Montreal, identified in court as Antonio Carbone who was described as a veteran Montreal mobster close to the Rizzutos.
The two spoke of the attacks against enemies of Vito Rizzuto; Mr. Callocchia was named on a list of perceived opponents.


Victim of Montreal Mob hit named in Italian court case

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  Adrian Humphreys

The latest victim of Montreal’s Mob violence — shot dead by masked gunmen Monday in a Rivière-des-Prairies restaurant — was recently named in court in Italy as a member of the rebellious faction of mobsters fighting to overthrow Montreal Mafia boss Vito Rizzuto.
Antonino Callocchia, usually called Tonino or Tony, was hit Monday afternoon by multiple bullets from one or more masked gunmen who then fled.
It was the second attempt on Callocchia’s life; on Feb. 1, 2013, he was seriously injured in a similar ambush in a restaurant in Laval.
Born Nov. 6, 1961, his ties to the Mafia in Montreal have been documented for decades. Part of his underworld strength came through his link by marriage to the Armeni clan of well-known Mob-linked drug traffickers. One of his first arrests, according to Quebec Court records, was in 1985 alongside four members of clan, although he was acquitted.
He was also arrested in a landmark money laundering and drug trafficking case in Montreal in 1994 alongside notable Mobsters and lawyers who helped invest Mob money linked to Mr. Rizzuto.
But before his death, the enigmatic man was moving from the criminal sidelines and becoming more central to the city’s underworld.
The move brought increased scrutiny over his standing and allegiance in the Mafia war that has rocked Montreal — a sweeping power struggle between Rizzuto and rebels trying to oust him when he was imprisoned in the United States in 2006. The war went badly against the Rizzutos until the boss returned to Canada in October 2012 and fought to reclaim his position of power.
Some saw Callocchia as a Rizzuto loyalist and even a possible successor to Vito Rizzuto — who died of natural causes in December 2013. His involvement in a case of extortion against a woman with ties to Raynald Desjardins, a gangster named in Italian court as the leader of the rebellious faction, furthered that view.
Others saw his closeness to Calabrian dissidents unfriendly toward the Sicilian-born Rizzuto as well as to Joseph Di Maulo, an influential Mafia boss killed in 2012, likely for not remaining loyal to Rizzuto, as a sign he, too, had strayed.
Callocchia, however, was subject to a recent assessment by the anti-Mafia police in Sicily, the birthplace of the Mafia, as they investigated the murders in Palermo of two Mobsters from Canada.
Police in Italy are analyzing reams of secretly recorded telephone calls made last year by a Mobster from Canada who was living in Sicily. The chatty mobster, Juan Ramon Fernandez, was close to Rizzuto for decades and spoke disrespectfully of Callocchia when talking to other Rizzuto loyalists.
Fernandez called him “a fucking idiot,” according to wiretap transcripts obtained by the National Post.
A few days after the 2013 attack on Callocchia, Fernandez phoned for an update from a friend in Montreal, identified in court as Antonio Carbone who was described as a veteran Montreal Mobster close to the Rizzutos.
The two spoke of the attacks against enemies of Vito Rizzuto; Callocchia was named on a list of perceived opponents.
The authorities in Italy note that Callocchia was shot the first time while Rizzuto was travelling to the Dominican Republic to meet in privacy with acolytes to plot revenge against those who were disloyal to him and his family while he was in prison.
While Rizzuto was out of the country, “the offensive against the ‘dissident’ faction was unleashed,” says a report on the Mafia war prepared by the Carabinieri ROS, Italy’s anti-Mafia police unit, and presented in court last month.
Monday’s murder of Callocchia came after months of relative peace within Montreal’s underworld after shocking displays of murder and violence.
Callocchia was pronounced dead around 1:30 p.m. inside Bistro XO Plus, a restaurant in a plaza on Henri-Bourassa Blvd. E. near LJ-Forget Ave.
“He was a big player (within the Mafia). That is certain,” said a Montreal police source.
According to Quebec’s business registry, Callocchia was the owner of a numbered company, 9166-3807 Quebec Inc., involved in real estate management, and another company called Construction T.D.P.
In 1994, Callocchia was arrested along with 56 other people as part of a major RCMP drug trafficking and money laundering investigation against the Rizzuto organization. Following a lengthy trial, Callocchia was found guilty of acting as an intermediary for Vincenzo Di Maulo (brother of Joseph), who was laundering drug money through various businesses.
Callocchia received a four-year sentence but authorities then moved against him on a second case, dating to 1994, where the RCMP had evidence he tried to smuggle more than 160 kilograms of cocaine into Canada through a Toronto airport.
He pleaded guilty to drug smuggling-related charges in 1998. With everything combined, he ended up having to serve an aggregate sentence of 21 years in all.
When he appeared before the Parole Board of Canada in 2001 he was described as intelligent, well-structured and “an active member of the Italian Mafia.”
“The offences you have committed are large-scale and they required organization and planning at a level that only a highly organized group can hope to execute,” the board said. He took college-level business administration courses while serving the sentence.
When he was granted full parole in 2002 he told the board that he had no financial concerns because of an inheritance from his grandfather and the sale of a large piece of real estate that belonged to his mother.
The board believed he was now motivated “to follow the rules of society” away from a life of crime.
National Post with files from Paul Cherry, Montreal Gazette


Mafia Sweep Nets Reputed Gambino Underboss

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(NEW YORK) -- The reputed underboss of New York's Gambino crime family was arrested Thursday in Brooklyn.
Francesco Palmieri is wanted in Italy for extortion. About 30 FBI agents and Italian authorities raided his apartment and arrested him as part of a larger crackdown on the mafia in Milan, Matera and New York, Italian police said.
Palmieri was among eight people arrested, including five in Italy and three in the United States, and charged in a blackmail conspiracy. Italian police said the group tried to extort the owner of a climate control systems company in Basilicata in southern Italy out of more than $1 million.
Another man, John Grillo, described by authorities as a "key figure" in the case, was arrested at the airport in Milan just before he boarded a flight to New York on a one-way ticket.
Italian police linked Thursday’s arrests to an investigation that began over a year ago as a follow up to an operation known as "New Bridge." That case closed last February with the arrest of 26 purported mobsters who operated a drug trafficking route between Calabria, Italy, and the United States.



'Mafia capital': Rome hit by mobster scandal

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Mafia gangsters, corrupt politicians and a one-eyed former terrorist made millions in Rome by exploiting migrants and gipsies

By Nick Squires, Rome

A toxic mix of mafia gangsters, corrupt politicians and a one-eyed former terrorist made millions in Rome by exploiting migrants and gipsies, it emerged on Wednesday, in a scandal that has seriously shaken the capital's faith in its leaders.
Mobsters operating in the capital boasted that they made more out of rigging contracts and embezzling money intended for refugee and migrant centres than they did from the drug trade.
Even for a country inured to corruption scandals and the pervasive influence of organised crime, the extent of the alleged collaboration between criminals, politicians and even members of the secret services is shocking.
"Rome, Mafia capital" was the headline in one newspaper, while another publication spoke of a "political-judicial earthquake" rippling through the city.
Police on Tuesday arrested 37 people, charging them with extortion, corruption, fraud, money laundering and embezzlement.
They placed under investigation another 100 prominent politicians and businessmen, including Gianni Alemanno, a former mayor of Rome with far-Right political leanings.
Mr Alemanno, a former political ally of Silvio Berlusconi and mayor of Rome until last year, stepped down on Wednesday from his various posts within the Brothers of Italy political party, which traces its origins to the fascist regime of Mussolini. His home was searched by police looking for evidence of alleged rigging of public contracts.
The city's anti-corruption tsar, Italo Walter, was also named in the investigation.
Prosecutors said they suspected that "elements of the forces of order and the secret services" were caught up in the scandal as well.
Of those arrested, the most high-profile was Massimo Carminati, 56, who lost an eye during a shoot-out with police in the early 1980s.
Dubbed "the last king of Rome" by fellow criminals, he was given a ten-year prison term in 1998 for his involvement with the Magliana Gang, the capital's most notorious and ruthless criminal network, which was at its most powerful in the 1970s and 1980s.
Carminati is a former member of the Armed Revolutionary Nuclei, a far-Right group that was involved in the bombing of Bologna railway station in 1980, in which 85 people died.
While regarded as a ruthless thug by the authorities, Carminati also has an artistic side - when police raided his home, they found art works by Jackson Pollock and Andy Warhol adorning the walls and confiscated tens of millions of euros' worth of assets.
In previous wire taps, he boasted of reigning over a "demi-world", a shadowy realm where corrupt members of the establishment encounter criminals, with himself as arbitrator and facilitator. "It's like there are the living above, and the dead below," he said.
In another intercepted conversation, members of his alleged gang discussed the effectiveness of intimidating opponents with their firearm of choice, the Russian-made, semi-automatic Makarov pistol, equipped with a silencer.
On Wednesday the scope of the investigation widened, with prosecutors releasing wire-tapped conversations which suggested that criminal bosses and corrupt politicians conspired to embezzle state money that was supposed to be used to run facilities for immigrants and refugee centres.
"Do you have any idea how much I make on these immigrants?" Salvatore Buzzi, Carminati's right-hand man, was heard saying when police intercepted his phone calls. "Drug trafficking is less profitable".
"We closed this year with turnover of 40 million but ... our profits all came from the gipsies, on the housing emergency and on the immigrants," he said.
Giuseppe Pignatone, the chief prosecutor in the capital, said: "With this operation we have answered the question of whether the mafia exists in Rome. The answer is that it certainly does."
He said the gangsters caught up in the investigation did not belong to Italy's established mafias, such as Cosa Nostra in Sicily or the Camorra around Naples, but rather to a different, Rome-based criminal underworld.
The scale of the corruption and the cynical exploitation of vulnerable people such as refugees and Roma gipsies was condemned across Italy.
"The investigation into Rome as the mafia capital reveals a disgusting, horrifying situation which goes beyond even the darkest hypothesis," Federconsumatori, a consumers' rights group, said in a statement.





Mafia in the middle

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Italian mobsters have spread from the south northward

IN THE crime movie “The Italian Job” Charlie, played by Michael Caine, upsets a mafia boss by trespassing on his turf to steal gold. The plot is entertaining, but absurd: the film is set in Turin in 1969, when organised crime in Italy was confined to the downtrodden south.
No longer. On December 10th police arrested 61 people in an operation against the ’Ndrangheta, the mafia from Calabria, the toe of Italy. Such dragnets are common. But this one was launched from Perugia, the capital of Umbria, a region famed for beautiful hilltop towns and Renaissance art—not for mobsters.
Operation Fourth Step was the most startling sign yet of the pervasiveness of Italy’s traditional mafias. Police found evidence that Calabrian gangsters settled in Umbria had planned a murder and violently intimidated shopkeepers, builders and others.
Of all Italy’s main organised-crime groups, the ’Ndrangheta has the deepest roots outside the south. A six-year investigation culminating in 2010 found that its presence in the industrial north was extensive. More than 150 people were arrested.
There are two causes of the spread of Italy’s mafias. One is that richer parts of the country offer more possibilities for laundering the proceeds of crime. The other is a 1956 law that allowed mafiosi to be uprooted from their normal surroundings and sent north. In Umbria investigators point to a third factor: two high-security prisons, which mean that relatives of jailed mobsters have bought houses in the area so they can visit their loved ones more easily.
Operation Fourth Step shifted attention away from another organised-crime scandal, in Rome. Arrests on December 2nd highlighted a gang that has established close links with local officials and politicians of left and right. Prosecutors call the gang, which is led by a one-eyed former far-right terrorist, Mafia Capitale. Its bosses are known to have had links with established crime syndicates. But it is unclear whether they aspired, like genuine mafiosi, to replace the authorities by asserting territorial control of a specific area.
What is most alarming is the ease with which they suborned officials to win contracts for firms in their sway. Among those accused of taking the gang’s money are a former head of Rome’s waste-management company and a former boss of a big municipal property scheme. Most skulduggery took place while Gianni Alemanno, a former neo-fascist, was mayor. But the mobsters also had good relations with several leading members from the centre-left Democratic party (PD). One was arrested.
The PD’s leader (and prime minister), Matteo Renzi, has moved swiftly to limit the damage by announcing a bill to stiffen the penalties for corruption. If it survives its passage through parliament it will be a welcome step in the right direction for a country that earlier this month slipped to joint last place in the European Union in Transparency International’s corruption-perceptions index.


Fight Over Giancana Memorabilia in Vegas

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By MIKE HEUER

     LAS VEGAS (CN) - A defunct Mafia museum claims an auction house sold dozens of articles once owned by Sam Giancana, though the museum owns them - having bought them from the late Chicago boss's daughter.
     The Mafia Collection LLC sued Munari Auctions and William Woolery on Monday, in Clark County Court.
     The Mafia Collection claims that it warned Munari that it owned the Giancana collection, but Munari auctioned them off on Nov. 22 anyway.
     It's a rather tangled tale.
     The Mafia Collection claims in the lawsuit that it paid $23,300 to buy the artifacts from Giancana's daughter, Antoinette McDonnell, in 2009, and that has the bill of sale. It bought the articles for the now-closed Las Vegas Mob Experience, which featured artifacts from many prominent gangsters.
     The artifacts include photographs, court documents, furnishings and personal effects once owned by Giancana and passed on to his daughter.
     McDonnell initially was a paid consultant for the Las Vegas Mob Experience, which was owned and operated by Murder Inc., according to a Las Vegas Review article on a previous lawsuit 2011.
     The Las Vegas Mob Experience was an interactive exhibit housed in the Tropicana Las Vegas hotel and casino from 2011 to 2013. It featured artifacts from Giancana, Bugsy Siegel, Anthony Spilotro and others.
     Before that exhibit opened, McDonnell sued Murder Inc. and the Mafia Collection in Clark County Court. McDonnell claimed the Mafia Collection never paid her for Giancana's items and that the selling price was too low.
     In the present lawsuit, the Mafia Collection calls that lawsuit "frivolous," and says that a judge ruled against McDonnell in July this year and ordered her not to get rid of the artifacts in question.
     But McDonnell turned over the stuff to Munari Auctions, according to the lawsuit, and Munari sold some or all of them in November.
     The Sam Giancana Estate Auction featured 152 "lots," including photos, documents, furniture and police and coroner reports about the mobster's 1975 murder in his Chicago home, according to the auction catalogue.
     The Mafia Collection claims that Munari's auction was "reckless and done in circumvention of the law, court order and the directive of the artifacts' owner" and done "for the gain and profit of both McDonnell and itself."
     Some or all of the artifacts are housed and controlled by McDonnell's "appointed agent in fact," William R. Woolery, according to the lawsuit.
     Mafia Collection seeks declaratory judgment that it owns the articles, possession of it, and damages for conversion.
     Giancana was boss of the Chicago mob from 1957 to 1966. His alleged ties to President John F. Kennedy and the CIA are the stuff of legend. The CIA allegedly sought his help to assassinate Fidel Castro. Giancana was shot in the head in his Chicago home in 1975. He was 67. 




Head of FBI's Boston office says he's concerned expansion of casino gaming will increase public corruption cases

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By PHILIP MARCELO, Associated Press

BOSTON (AP) — The head of the FBI's Boston office said Monday he's concerned the expansion of casino gambling might lead to an increase in public corruption and financial and organized crime.
Special Agent Vincent Lisi, whose office covers Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire and Rhode Island, said the industry's growth provides "fertile ground" for bribery, fraud and abuse. "When you look at legalized gaming, you have a heavy amount of regulation, along with a lucrative business," he said. "Those two factors combined make for pretty fertile grounds for corruption of public officials."
Lisi made the comments Monday as the Boston office announced it will launch a dedicated, toll-free tip line focused on public corruption: 1-844-NOBRIBE (662-7423). It will also launch a billboard advertising campaign called "Stop Corruption Now" and will promote the initiative through Facebook. Tips also can be submitted online at tips.fbi.gov.
The American Gaming Association, a casino industry trade group, responded in a statement: "Study after study has shown that fears about increased crime after a new casino opens are unfounded, and gaming operators in Massachusetts and elsewhere are committed to upholding the integrity of our highly-regulated industry."
In Massachusetts, the state licenses and regulates casino operators and assesses state taxes on their gambling profits while cities and towns are charged with issuing local building and zoning permits and assessing local property taxes.
Lisi stressed that the tip line is not a direct response to the burgeoning regional casino industry.
Instead, he said it's prompted by a steady rise in public corruption-related cases the office has dealt with in recent years. Among them: the 2013 sentencing of a Rhode Island man in a kickback scheme that defrauded the U.S. Navy of nearly $18 million and the 2011 conviction of former Massachusetts House Speaker Salvatore DiMasi on bribery charges.
"If you look at some of the cases we've had in the past, you'd think they'd be deterrents and that there would be a decline in the numbers that we've had," Lisi said. "That's not been the case."
But at least in Massachusetts, potential criminal activity has been a prominent part of the public debate over the casino industry.
For example, three owners of the waterfront land that Wynn Resorts plans to build into a $1.6 billion resort casino in Everett face federal wire fraud charges. They allegedly tried to hide from state regulators and the casino company the fact that a convicted felon and known mob associate named Charles Lightbody would profit from the land deal, in violation of state statutes.
And the state gambling commission is conducting an inquiry after The Wall Street Journal recently reported that the IRS has requested information on Wynn's clients, domestic and overseas marketing offices and internal controls. The newspaper said federal authorities are probing whether the Las Vegas-based gambling giant violated money laundering laws.
Lisi said the federal case dealing with the Everett land sale is ongoing; he declined to comment on the apparent IRS investigation into money laundering.




Report: Judge lights into mobster at sentencing; 'You're bad for America,' he says

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By Frank Donnelly 
STATEN ISLAND, N.Y. -- A federal judge lit into a Genovese organized crime family capo from Tottenville while sentencing him for extortion, telling the defendant he is "bad for America," according to a published report.
"Your behavior disgusts me," District Judge Nicholas G. Garaufis of Brooklyn federal court recently told Conrad Ianniello, 71, before sentencing the mobster to three years in prison, said a report in the Daily News.
Last year, Ianniello pleaded guilty to racketeering conspiracy, federal prosecutors said.
The Genovese captain conspired with other purported wiseguys in 2008 to muscle out a labor union trying to organize workers at a Long Island company, said court papers.
Their goal was to pave the way for an alleged Genovese associate, who was an official at another union, to unionize the company instead, prosecutors charge.
In an April 17, 2008, wiretap, Ianniello allegedly thanked co-defendant and Genovese associate, Ryan Ellis, for delivering a message to the union not to organize the Long Island company.
"You got his (expletive) attention. He called me," court papers quote him as saying. "He says they got nasty. ... I said, 'I got your (expletive) attention now, don't I?'"
Garaufis blew up after Ianniello apologized to his family before the judge imposed sentence, said the report.
"You need to apologize to this country," the report quoted Garaufis as saying. ... "When organized crime figures try to influence the lawful process of organizing a workplace with a labor union, the rights of many people are adversely affected."
"I'm tired of mobsters coming into this courtroom and apologizing to their families when they should apologize to their country," said Garaufis, according to the report.
The mob big's criminal history dates back four decades, court papers said.
He was convicted in November 1972 of felony grand larceny and sentenced to five years' probation.
Later, in October 1986, he was convicted of felony drug possession and misdemeanor weapon possession and sentenced to 100 months to life. Court papers don't say when he was released from prison.
In a pre-sentencing memorandum, his lawyer, Lisa Scolari, had requested a sentence beneath the guideline range of 33 to 41 months in prison.
She said he earned a bachelor's degree in behavioral science while incarcerated for the latter conviction and helped fellow inmates renew their driver's licenses, seek employment and enter post-release programs.
Ms. Scolari said Ianniello had worked his entire life, most recently as a union steamfitter. She submitted a letter from his boss of 10 years who called Ianniello an "exemplary" employee who "does not shirk any task no matter how arduous or dangerous."




Genovese Organized Crime Family Soldier and Two Crime Family Associates Admit Racketeering Conspiracy

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Written by F.B.I. Newark Office

NEWARK, NJ—Three North Jersey men today admitted conspiring to conduct or participate in the affairs of the Genovese organized crime family of La Cosa Nostra (the “Genovese family”) through a pattern of racketeering activity, including a conspiracy to extort members of the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) for Christmastime tribute payments, New Jersey U.S. Attorney Paul J. Fishman and Eastern District of New York U.S. Attorney Loretta E. Lynch announced.
Stephen Depiro, 59, of Kenilworth, New Jersey, a Genovese family soldier, and two other Genovese family associates – Albert Cernadas, 79, of Union, New Jersey, former president of ILA Local 1235 and former ILA executive vice president; and Nunzio LaGrasso, 64, of Florham Park, New Jersey, former vice president of ILA Local 1478 and ILA representative – pleaded guilty today before U.S. District Judge Claire C. Cecchi in Newark federal court. All three pleaded guilty to Count One of the second superseding indictment charging them with racketeering conspiracy. Depiro admitted to predicate acts involving conspiracy to commit extortion and bookmaking. Cernadas and LaGrasso admitted to predicate acts involving conspiracy to commit extortion and multiple extortions.
 According to documents filed in this case and statements made in court:
Since at least 2005, Depiro has managed the Genovese family’s control over the New Jersey waterfront – including the nearly three-decades-long extortion of port workers in ILA Local 1, ILA Local 1235 and ILA Local 1478. Members of the Genovese family, including Depiro, are charged with conspiring to collect tribute payments from New Jersey port workers at Christmastime each year through their corrupt influence over union officials, including the last three presidents of Local 1235 and vice president of ILA Local 1478. Depiro also controlled a sports betting package that was managed by several others, through the use of an overseas sports betting operation.
During their guilty plea proceedings, Depiro, Cernadas and LaGrasso admitted their involvement in the Genovese family, including conspiring to compel tribute payments from ILA union members, who made the payments based on actual and threatened force, violence and fear. Cernadas and LaGrasso admitted to carrying out multiple extortions of dockworkers. The timing of the extortions typically coincided with the receipt by certain ILA members of “Container Royalty Fund” checks, a form of year-end compensation.
The racketeering charge to which Depiro, Cernadas and LaGrasso pleaded guilty carries a maximum potential penalty of 20 years in prison and a $250,000 fine. Sentencing is currently scheduled as follows: Cernadas, Jan. 16, 2015; LaGrasso, March 9, 2015; and Depiro, March 10, 2015.
U.S. Attorneys Fishman and Lynch credited the FBI in New Jersey, under the direction of Special Agent in Charge Aaron T. Ford, and in New York, under the direction of Assistant Director in Charge George Venizelos, as well as the U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Inspector General, Office of Labor Racketeering and Fraud Investigations, under the direction of Acting Special Agent in Charge Cheryl Garcia, with the investigation leading to today’s guilty pleas. They also thanked the Waterfront Commission of New York Harbor for its cooperation and assistance in the investigation.
The government is represented by Assistant U.S. Attorney Jacquelyn M. Kasulis of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, Eastern District of New York, and Assistant U.S. Attorney Anthony Mahajan, of the U.S. Attorney’s Office, District of New Jersey.
Defense counsel:
Depiro: Alyssa Cimino Esq., Fairfield, New Jersey
Cernadas: Joseph Hayden Esq., Roseland, New Jersey
LaGrasso: Michael Critchley, Sr., Esq., Roseland





Climbing the Mafia ladder: Accused Ontario mobster named a wanted fugitive after boss murdered in Sicily

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Adrian Humphreys

The vicious cycle of gangland life is perfectly told in the muscular, tattooed form of Daniele Ranieri, named Wednesday by Canadian police as a wanted fugitive: he took his place as a police target after the murder in Sicily of his crime boss, a killer who, in turn, replaced a hulking mobster publicly gunned down in Toronto.
The deadly path to leadership of a mob-backed crew hardly deters men like Ranieri, who was so enamoured of the underworld he had “Cosa Nostra” tattooed on his chest.
“In their world, being killed is not an abnormality. Eventually these guys meet their demise, they play a high stakes game,” said Insp. Dieter Boeheim of York Regional Police intelligence bureau.
“He lives in that world, the world of The Godfather. Some of the guys need to get their hands dirty to progress.”
Tuesday, when police raided six premises in Project Forza, the Italian word for “strength,” their prime target was not found: Ranieri had left for Cuba two weeks before and is believed to still be there. A warrant has been issued for his arrest, and police consider him “armed and dangerous.”
Ranieri, 30, of Bolton, Ont., was featured in a lengthy National Post exposé in October about the murder in Sicily of two mobsters from Canada. It was his visit to Sicily on July 6, 2012, that inadvertently revealed Juan Ramon Fernandez, allegedly Ranieri’s boss, had moved there from Canada, sparking a large anti-Mafia probe.
Ranieri was under surveillance the moment he got off the plane in Palermo, with an officer in Sicily saying he stood out: “Typical of American gangsters — big muscles and tattoos.”
Police say Ranieri took over leadership of the crew from Fernandez, after he was ambushed and his body burned outside Palermo in April 2013. Fernandez, in turn, had seized control from Gaetano “Guy” Panepinto, a mobster who ran a discount coffin business before his own murder in 2000.
The men named alongside him Wednesday add to that colourful, violent cast of characters, described by police as a dangerous crime group that forged bonds in prison.
“They are a sight to behold,” said Insp. Boeheim.
Justin McPolin, 38, of Toronto, is a 6 ft. 2 in. former professional hockey player, recruited into the Ontario Hockey League as an enforcer for the London Knights. His sports claim to fame was tallying 281 penalty minutes in 43 games and being banned for punching a referee. He is charged with extortion, conspiracy to commit an indictable offence and attempt to obstruct justice.
Like Ranieri, Lucas Day, 41, of Toronto, was not found when police moved to arrest him and is named as a fugitive. He has a manslaughter conviction and assaulted a prison guard while behind bars. He is considered armed and dangerous.
Danny Rubino, 44, of Vaughan, is both a singer and a longtime subject of interest to York police who was a close friend of Fernandez when the mobster lived in Ontario. He was frequently heard on wiretaps chatting with Fernandez, doing his bidding.
“When you get home put an empty cassette in the machine there for eleven o’clock tonight on channel 271,” Fernandez told him in 2001, recorded on a police wiretap. “It’s the thing on the Mafia. It’s supposed to be really good there. Get it taped.”
“OK,” replied Rubino.
He is charged with extortion and conspiracy to commit an indictable offence.
Also arrested were: Craig Hall, 38, of Toronto, charged with trafficking in cocaine and heroin; and Richard Maciel, 36, of Toronto, and Arkadiusz Bukinski, 38, of Milton, Ont., both charged with parole violation.
I could get killed if he f — ks up because I bring him to the table
Ranieri was Fernandez’s favourite, acting as his eyes and ears in Ontario after Fernandez was deported from Canada and settled in Sicily.
Fernandez even said he was trying to have Ranieri officially inducted into the Mafia, according to wiretaps recorded by police in Italy and obtained by the Post.
“I want to ‘make’ Dani,” Fernandez told a visitor from Canada in March 2013. “I want make Dani a made man.”
“F — k, he’ll cry,” his visitor said. “He will be so happy he’ll cry.”
“Because he’s my guy,” Fernandez continued, “so I am responsible, I could get killed if he f — ks up because I bring him to the table and I vouch for him.”
And Fernandez vowed to protect Ranieri if anyone in Ontario moved against him.
“I go back in a heartbeat; something happens to Dani, they’ll all get it the same day,” he bellowed.
Fernandez’s murder prompted police in Canada to re-evaluate their investigation of the crew. It was always an important link because Fernandez was a key representative for Montreal Mafia boss Vito Rizzuto in Ontario.
Is Ranieri less of a threat with Fernandez dead or is he more of a threat? We sat down as a team and assessed it and concluded he was more of a threat and we needed to do something about,” said Supt. Keith Finn of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.
“Some may see [arrest] as a cost of doing business,” said Supt. Finn. “Is it a deterrent? I would like to think so, but I am not naive enough to think it will stop them from doing what their doing.”
York police Inspector Michael Slack said Ranieri surrounded himself with hardmen with extensive criminal records for guns, drugs and violence.
“Many of Ranieri’s crime-group associates have a high propensity to commit violent crimes and have served time in prison for aggravated assault, forcible confinement and murder,” he said.
Despite Ranieri’s brashness, he may have learned a thing or two from old-school mobsters while visiting Fernandez in Sicily.

Soon after his return, he reportedly had his Cosa Nostra tattoo inked over.

Yomiuri Giants win suit against tabloid over claims of bribery, ties to yakuza

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By Tokyo Reporter

TOKYO (TR) – The Tokyo District Court on Wednesday ruled in favor of the Yomiuri Giants baseball club in a libel suit against a weekly tabloid over articles appearing three years ago that claimed the team bribed young players and maintains ties to organized crime groups, reports the Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 17).
Presiding judge Masako Ishikuri ordered Nihon Journal, the Tokyo-based publisher of Shukan Jitsuwa, to pay 2.2 million in compensation to the Giants, which had sought 33 million yen.
“Without any substance in the coverage, it can not be said that (the articles) have a reason to be believed,” said Ishikuri.
The content of the three articles, which ran in the magazine between November of 2011 and April of the following year, indicated that the Giants paid bribes of between 1.8 billion and 3.6 billion yen to top picks in the amateur draft to encourage them to sign with the club. The magazine also claimed that the team holds relationships with gangsters in order to prevent internal scandals from surfacing.
An article appearing in the November 24 issue specifically mentions Tomoyuki Sugano, the number-one pick by the Hokkaido Nippon Ham Fighters in the 2011 draft. The right-handed pitcher sat out the 2012 season and re-entered the draft that November, in which he was selected by Yomiuri.
The same story specifically mentions the involvement of manager Tatsunori Hara, who is Sugano’s uncle. (In 2012, different tabloid alleged that the skipper paid off a gangster to quash a story about an adulterous relationship.)
A representative of the Yomiuri Giants, which is owned by media conglomerate Yomiuri Group, applauded the judgment.
“We do not accept the ruling of the court,” said an editor at Nihon Journal, according to the Asahi Shimbun (Dec. 17).



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